Curbing Corruption and Fostering Accountability in Fragile Settings: Why an Imperilled Media Needs Better Support

"An independent media is one of the most effective assets we have in efforts to curb corruption and foster accountability. Yet it is deeply imperilled, particularly in fragile states and often poorly understood by the international development sector. This policy working paper argues that unless development strategies begin to prioritise support to independent media, corruption may continue to go unchecked and the accountability of states will diminish."

This BBC Media Action paper draws on their research, as well as that of the wider sector, to examine the media’s ability to hold power to account, particularly in fragile settings. It provides "a summary of the evidence base supporting the media’s role in tackling corruption and argues that effective media support strategies require more than financial contributions..." suggesting that the field "requires the development of coherent, context-specific, evidence-based strategies rooted in learning from what works and what does not."

In support of the need for development strategies to prioritise supporting independent media to decrease state corruption and increase accountability, it offers evidence in part one that "the capacity of the media to hold power – including corrupt power - to account is consistently proven, both historically and recently." For example, a study of corruption in 1990's Peru showed that prices paid to bribe media were 100 times larger than those paid to politicians or judges.

In part two, it argues that the development system is weak in supporting local and national media. "Support to the media and the free flow of information represented less than 2% of [the US$17 billion dollars allocated by OECD donors in 2012], and an even tinier fraction of total development funds." Funding levels and effectiveness are both challenges. The Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) include prioritisation of public access to information and protection of fundamental freedoms. "Recommended measurement of this target includes explicit mention of tracking attacks on journalists." However, a lack of capacity, collaboration, and coordination, as well as sufficient research for guidance, hampers bilaterals and foundations from moving ahead with policy making and funding.

Part three describes economic and political challenges of media in fragile states, showing a loss of independent media capacity. Freedom House's 2015 review of freedom of the press found that only 14% of the world’s population lived in a country with what it considered to be a free press. Challenges include: threats to undermine economic foundations and business models of independent media; legal and regulatory efforts to shut down media, "often in the name of deterring terrorism"; and increased investment in co-opting the media. Analysis suggests that "suggest that those who do not wish to be held to account have invested heavily in ensuring that traditional and online media is not independent and instead reflects and protects their interests." The traditional base of advertising is not sufficient in weak economies and, in stronger economies, is threatened by internet advertising drawing away that economic base.

"Part 4 looks at ways of supporting media capable of tackling corruption, including through online platforms, investigative journalist networks and other media support approaches. It argues that successful media support strategies are likely to use a range of approaches and a mix of digital and analogue media platforms, grounded in strong contextual analysis and research. It argues that many initiatives – especially networks of investigative journalism - are generating great impact globally and in some countries, but they do not provide a panacea in fragile and closed settings where such efforts are especially vulnerable to co-option and intimidation."

Part five concludes that while there have been notable investments in media from a small number of donors the development system as a whole has a poor record in in supporting this area. "...[A]ttention needs to be focused on ensuring that such support is effective. Successful strategies will need to be context-specific, evidence-based, underpinned by clear theories of change and address both political and social aspects of corruption."
Conclusions include the following:

• "Prioritise media support in national development strategies
• Defend media freedom
• Give teeth to transparency efforts
• Strengthen evidence and learning around effective media support
• Take the media seriously"